Asian Americans in Early Film

Posted On 2021-01-14

A research assignment from History of Asian Pacific Americans, Nov ’16

• What kind of Media roles did Asian American Women play, contrasted to the roles of Asian American men? Why were Whites used to portray Asian characters?

Historically, American film studios have reflected a balance between the artistic bent of the filmmakers, and financial dependence on mainstream audiences. Far more often than not, the financial upside of pleasing the masses has trumped the potential for engineering positive social change. Studios catered to stereotypes- some their own as men, some their audience’s. Women were scheming or supplicant, men were scheming or sexless, and in some instances (notably Charlie Chan) they weren’t even Asian. While market forces are not morally redeeming, worse by far were instances where children were indoctrinated with these stereotypes- see the conniving pair of Siamese in Disney’s ‘Lady and the Tramp’ (Towbin 2004). Ultimately, Asians of any nationality were portrayed as culturally homogenous, in gender roles as preferred by white men, in societal roles either opposed to or subservient to those of whites.

Asian women were introduced to American film audiences with very dynamic personas. Presented cumulatively under the umbrella of collective “otherness” (Wang 2012) at a time when many perceptions were adversarial, all Asian roles were subject to be grouped into two general categories- threats, or prizes. As women’s roles were developed, these interpretations were presented in clear focus. Anna May Wong in Daughter of the Dragon (1931) was the cold and irresistible seductress, killing those who would stand between her and advancement. Nancy Kwan’s Suzie Wong (1960) was a prostitute beholden to a white benefactor, determined to please. Both did so while being painted with mysterious and enigmatic brushes, in generalized and flamboyant ‘oriental’ costumes and settings that were as culturally authentic as the characters they framed.

Male characters were grouped similarly, though their gender altered the portrayal of the ‘ideal’ Asian. As mysterious enemies, men were spies, drug kingpins, and Dr Fu Manchu mockeries of Asian custom (Denzin 2005). The ‘friendly’ Asian male on the other hand could not be sexualized as the women had, at least not without confronting social norms that Americans were even less well-equipped to address. These characters were made deferential, to render them safe for sensitive white male wallets. Their professions were menial, their personalities were immaterial. While Asian women were frequently paired on-screen with white men (Towbin 2004), Asian men went without. Just as the dominant ego of white men created the sexualization of Asian women, the fragility of that ego necessitated the impotence of Asian men. 

Perhaps the most thorough illustration of the different dynamics at play is in the role of Charlie Chan. A Chinese detective played by a white actor, the part at first glance is just another instance of the Hollywood whitewashing of foreign cultures. The complex interplay between the character and his audience suggests a deeper relationship, however. Spanning 40+ films and opening with Japanese actors in the role, the series failed to win commercial approval until the lead was replaced by a white actor (Balio 1996). This suggests reinforcement of Wang’s observations about the difficulties of seeing Asians in the accoutrements of authority. Also reinforced is the ambiguous role played by Hollywood, simultaneously responding to and steering their audiences. That Chan’s fictional sons continued to be played by Asian performers reflects additional dynamics beyond the seeming perceptual benefit of having Asian performers play Asian characters. Well-meaning and determined to acclimate (Chin 1998), their intercultural foibles are a persistent reminder that they will always aspire to and fall short of whiteness.

The many different Asian roles and performers through the middle of the century each represented their own watermark on the canvas of American film. Those watermarks were as much a function of the growing determination of Asians to speak in and hear their own voices, as they were the market’s restrictively evolving view of Asians. These roles have continued to evolve over time. The spread of media and the ease of international interaction has encouraged many whites to think about seeing Asians (and Indians, and Blacks, and…) as full and complex people themselves, and characters have gradually become more complex as nonwhites have taken up greater roles in the production of film (Erigha 2015). Many of those more complex characterizations however remain clustered by audience expectations into the friend/foe roles with which they’ve been familiar.

References

Balio, Tino. 1996. Grand Design: Hollywood as a Modern Business Enterprise. UC Press.

Chin, Frank. 1998. In Bulletproof Buddhists and Other Essays, 95-98. University of Hawai’i Press.

Denzin, Norman K. 2005. “Selling Images of Inequality: Hollywood Cinema and the Reproduction of Racial and Gender Stereotypes.” In The Blackwell Companion to Social Inequalities, edited by Mary Romero and Eric Margolis, 479-511. Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Erigha, Maryann. 2015. “Race, Gender, Hollywood: Representation in Cultural Production and Digital Media’s Potential for Change.” Sociology Compass 9 (1): 78-89. doi:DOI: 10.1111/soc4.12237.

Towbin, Mia Adessa et al. 2004. “Images of Gender, Race, Age, and Sexual Orientation in Disney Feature-Length Animated Films.” Journal of Feminist Family Therapy 15 (4): 19-44. doi:10.1300/J086v15n04_02.

Wang, Hanying. 2012. “Portrayals of Chinese Women’s Images in Hollywood Mainstream Films.” Intercultural Communication Studies 21. Vol. 3. Wuhan.